Nearly a century past, the sovereign people of the Somali republic have
been victimized by foreign suspects, charlatans and intermediaries who are
short of the competence to provide an ethical and realistic perspective of
our conflict----imitating to have an insight of the complex and rampant
inter and intra clan competition that haunts the region. Thus they add fuel
and wood into an already volatile situation. It began during the arrival of
the colonial powers when indolent and ill referenced reporting methods
became the policy norm of the Somali region. Considering this background,
the monitoring group's latest report is only a continuation of a long
practice that not only misguided policy objectives of economic
development---spearheaded by those with good intentions---but has also
humiliated the Somali national character and fed the world with one side of
an information cocoon of a hopeless situation in Somalia. The report could
be described in its least form and shape as a concerted, biased piece of
propaganda that not only fails to qualify as an objective analysis of the
Somali state and its current affairs but also spells a disastrous
implication for any potential, comprehensive peace.
The Monitoring Group is an agency that was created for the purpose of
reporting information regarding arms embargo violations and related matters.
Ever since the appointment of Matt Bryden, the agency evolved more as a tool
to disintegrate the unionists while advocating for the secessionist agenda
of a minority group than its stated goal. His predisposed political stance
is as ever visible in this report as the detectable influence from his
in-laws.
The focus theme for Bryden now becomes the Sanaag region and the problems of
piracy in Puntland based on a network of influences from his secessionist
in-laws simply to paint a international gloomy picture of insecurity and
instability in the region in such a manner that it drastically impedes or
reverses the successful completion of development projects proposed by the
awakened communities of Puntland. This consists of the jetty project, Makhir
University Project and the construction of a paved road for which all are in
their implementing stages. Evidence of a secessionist reaction is reflected
throughout the whole report and I'll point to few notes and derived sources
that back the accusations.
"Monitoring Group investigations, involving interviews with sources
possessing first-hand knowledge of piracy operations, ransom negotiations
and/or payments, have confirmed that senior Puntland officials, including
President Faroole and members of his Cabinet, notably the Minister of the
Interior, General Abdullahi Ahmed Jama Ilkajiir and the Minister for
Internal Security, General Abdillahi Sa`iid Samatar, have received proceeds
from piracy and/or kidnapping." [1]
These disingenuous and baseless accusations come at a time when Puntland
President Abdirahman Mohamed (Faroole) and his Interior Minister General
Abdullah Ahmed (Ilka Jiir) achieved unprecedented progress in channeling
international support to new and existing initiatives---security sector
reform---expansion of correctional facilities to better counter the criminal
activities of Somali pirates and terrorist groups who mostly hail from
outside of the autonomous region---and implementation of UNDP reform
projects for the Finance and Administrative capacity of the diverse agencies
of the State. Puntland leadership for the first time was received by
renowned world leaders and was regarded as a significant player in
eradicating a world problem (piracy).
Bryden's secessionist cronies, made up of clan chauvinists were alarmed and
threatened by both the increasing popularity of the Interior Minister Ilka
Jiir and efforts of the administration pertaining to the Sanaag region.
Bryden and his in-laws again suggest in case study 3 in the same report:
"Ilkajiir returned to Somalia from the United States late in 2008 to contest
the Puntland presidency. According to multiple independent sources, Hanaano
contributed over $200,000 to Ilkajiir`s political campaign. Ilkajiir
ultimately lost the election to Abdirahman Mohamed Faroole” who benefited
from much larger pirate contributions to his political war chest ” and was
awarded the post of Minister of the Interiora" [1]
An important factor to consider is the source of the political literature
applied in this report and its unbalanced propagandist terms and content.
Case study 3 is titled "The eastern Sanaag pirate militia". "Eastern Sanaag"
is a term coined by the North Western secessionist group in order to create
a political dispute between the powerful Warsangeli clan of Puntland and
their territorial entitlement of the region.
The above statement was certainly a secessionist engineered propaganda as
evidenced by the source used by the monitoring group “Qarannews[3].
Bryden's desperate attempt to suggest imposing sanctions on Ilka Jiir and Faroole
based on the reporting of Qarannews is indeed more insulting than humorous.
The report further demonstrates lazy findings of men incompetent in
producing transparent and balanced approaches of research. The accusations
continue:
"Maxamed Saciid Atam and Eastern Mujaahidiin: Although he remains
essentially a Warsengeli clan warlord, Atom reportedly calls his militia the
"Eastern Sanaag Mujahidicen" and has strengthened ties with Al-Shabaab
during the course of 2009. A significant number of non-Warsengeli militia
are reported to have recently joined his group. His training camp at Galgala
remained active in 2009, and the Monitoring Group has received reports about
two related training centres in the Bari region. Numerous sources indicate
that there are several non-Somali instructors at the Galgala camp, and
according to eyewitness reports delegations from southern Al-Shabaab groups
have been regular visitors."
"Late in 2009, Atom personally visited the town of Laascaanood, where he
reportedly established an operational cell. There have since been several
attacks with improvised explosive devices against Somaliland forces in the
town, although it is unclear whether these may be Atom`s responsibility or
the work of an autonomous Dhulbahante clan militia." [1]
In today's Somalia, journalists and others in the industry are being
subjected to various forms of violence ranging from arbitrary detentions to
killings. Lack of a functioning government birthed a poor working and unsafe
condition for the journalists as the greatest impediment to progress in the
industry. This fact along with diminishing international funding reflects
the poor media performance through the presence of unethical reporting and
lack of professionalism.
Moreover, in light of this consideration, the Monitoring Group's report can
be dismissed as incredible given that most of the sources on their footnotes
are unpopular Somali sites. Mr. Atam had never issued a Press Statement
prior to the publication of this controversial report nor has he ever
written anything pertaining to his political ambitions. The report also
mentions that talks between Puntland and Mr. Atam were suspended and backing
it with sources from allidamaale.com and somalifans.com. [2]
As a result of these baseless accusations reported by the Monitoring Group,
residents of Laasqoray, Dhahar, Badhan and Ceerigaabo of Sanaag region came
out to demonstrate against the false and repeated attacks by the Monitoring
Group. Residents rallying on the streets of Laasqoray pleaded for their
voices to be heard. For those who followed Puntland's political process
clearly witness Atam's accusation as an arms dealer and a terrorist as
ridiculous as President Faroole being linked with piracy. The people of
Puntland are only requesting a neutral and credible agency that is detached
from Somalia's raging political competition.
Footnotes:
[1]* Monitoring group report:
http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N10/246/89/PDF/N1024689.pdf?OpenElement
Monitoring group incredible sources:
[2]http://somalifans.net/2010/01/05/wararka-1762/ and
http://allidamaale.com/Rayiga-138.htm.
[3 ]
http://www.qarannews.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=3867&Itemid=62
Salah N. Salah, MBA
Department of Revenue
Corporate Tax Auditor
https://webmail01.one.com/src/compose.php?send_to=ahmed.omar%40state.mn.us
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Waayaha editorial policy
